The Editorial Board
Port-au-Prince, Haiti — In a country where gangs rule neighborhoods, hunger stalks millions, and over 700,000 displaced citizens crowd into makeshift shelters, Haiti’s transitional government is pushing to hold elections by 2025. But to call this a “roadmap to democracy” is to ignore the grim reality on the ground. Elections, while vital for renewing political legitimacy, cannot be a box-checking exercise in a nation where the state has all but collapsed. To proceed without first addressing Haiti’s humanitarian and security crises would not only betray the Haitian people—it risks plunging the country into deeper chaos.
Security First: A Nation Under Siege
Haiti’s capital, Port-au-Prince, is a city under occupation. Armed groups control key roads, ports, and neighborhoods, paralyzing commerce and trapping civilians in a daily struggle for survival. Schools and universities, including the state-run University of Haiti, remain shuttered. Even churches—traditionally pillars of community resilience—are now targets of violence.
The government’s proposed elections, however, would require something it cannot yet guarantee: safe access to polling stations. How can citizens vote freely when entire regions are cut off by gang checkpoints? How can candidates campaign when kidnappings for ransom are a routine threat? The U.N. estimates that 5.4 million Haitians—nearly half the population—face acute food insecurity, a crisis worsened by the gangs’ stranglehold on supply routes. To hold a vote amid such lawlessness would be less a democratic exercise than a reckless gamble with lives.
The transitional Council of Presidential Transition (CPT) and Prime Minister Garry Conille’s government must prioritize dismantling these criminal networks. This will require more than rhetoric. A coherent security plan, backed by international partners and regional bodies like CARICOM, is essential. Until Haitians can walk their streets without fear, no election will be credible—or safe.
A Broken Social Contract: The Plight of the Displaced
Even if security improves, Haiti faces another hurdle: the integrity of its voter rolls. Over 702,000 people have been displaced by violence, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), including countless children. Many have lost their identification cards; others are stranded far from their home voting districts. Without urgent measures to update registries and ensure access for displaced communities, millions could be disenfranchised.
Past elections offer a cautionary tale. In 2016, reports of “ghost voters”—including ballots cast in the names of the dead—undermined public trust. Today, with gangs weaponizing displacement, the risks of fraud and exclusion are even greater. Haiti’s electoral council (CEP) must act transparently: deploy mobile registration units, restore civil documentation services, and partner with trusted NGOs to audit the process. Democracy cannot thrive when the most vulnerable are silenced.
A Tainted Electoral Council: The Magalie Georges Controversy
Trust in Haiti’s elections also hinges on the credibility of its electoral council. The recent appointment of Magalie Georges, a lawyer with ties to the Montana Accord coalition, as the CEP’s human rights representative has sparked outrage. Civil society groups accuse the CPT of sidelining broader consultations, handing a critical role to a figure seen as politically aligned. Even factions within the Montana Accord have denounced the move as unilateral and opaque.
This misstep is symptomatic of a deeper rot: the chronic politicization of Haiti’s institutions. If the CEP is to oversee a fair vote, its members must be impartial and broadly endorsed. The CPT should withdraw Georges’ appointment and initiate an inclusive dialogue with human rights defenders, grassroots organizations, and groups representing the displaced. The alternative—a council perceived as a puppet of elites—will only deepen public cynicism.
The International Community’s Role: Aid, Not Interference
Foreign governments, particularly the United States and Canada, have poured resources into supporting Haiti’s police and electoral infrastructure. But their focus has too often skewed toward rushed elections at the expense of foundational reforms. A myadic “elections-first” approach risks repeating the errors of 2010–2011, when a flawed vote ushered in years of turmoil.
The international community must recognize that stability in Haiti requires patience. Funding should prioritize humanitarian aid, gang disarmament, and institution-building—not just ballot boxes. Regional actors, including Kenya, which is set to lead a multinational security force, must also ensure their interventions align with Haitian-led solutions rather than external agendas.
Conclusion: Democracy Demands More Than a Vote
Haiti’s leaders are not wrong to seek elections. After years of coups, natural disasters, and predatory governance, the nation desperately needs a legitimate government. But democracy is not merely the act of voting; it is the promise of security, justice, and dignity. To proceed without restoring these basics would render any election a hollow ritual—one that could ignite fresh violence.
The CPT and Prime Minister Conille must demonstrate courage: delay the electoral calendar until conditions for a free vote exist, and focus relentlessly on reclaiming Haiti from chaos. The world, too, must match its rhetoric about Haitian sovereignty with actions that prioritize people over politics. Anything less would be a betrayal of Haiti’s long-suffering citizens—and a recipe for disaster.
Haiti 24 News Editorial Board represents the opinions of its members, including editors and writers with wide-ranging expertise. Its views are independent of the newsroom.
